Nonprofit loyal soldier candidates are fighting to transform Los Angeles’ most impoverished district

Non-profit organizations exert  significant influence in communities within this district. For many years, elected officials have distributed resources to low-income residents primarily through these organizations, which are highly prevalent throughout the area. Representatives from these organizations were strongly represented at the event.

The leading candidates in this race have been products of the local non-profit machine, loyal soldiers who have been screaming at the top of their lungs about the injustices of capitalism. These candidates have been schooled that those who fund their organizations must be at the top of their list of priorities. And that could be a donor’s agenda, or as is usually the case, politicians’ agendas representing this district. Simply, these NGOs are there to uphold the status quo. A change of course can only be incremental, not radical. Radical change will ruffle feathers among wealthy donors and politicians who fund their organizations.

The forum made one thing clear: experience was in short supply. Only one candidate has run a business. The rest leaned on vague dreams or narrow plans—few seemed ready for the real fight ahead.

Most candidates assert their qualifications by citing their upbringing in the district or their residence there throughout their adult lives. Many are affiliated with the non-profit sector, which plays a significant role in the community.

Several prominent politicians representing South Central Los Angeles have endorsed candidates in this race. Councilman Price supports his deputy chief of staff, Jose Ugarte. Marqueese Harris-Dawson, representative for District Eight, and Mayor Bass back Elmer Rodan. County Supervisor Holly Mitchell supports Jorge Nuno. At the forum, Estuardo Mazariego stated that Eunisses Hernandez, representative for District One, and City Controller Kenneth Mejia support his candidacy.

One candidate, Estuardo Mazariego, a community organizer, has an unconventional background and openly discusses his past, including a shoplifting conviction at age 19 and a conviction for gun possession. Mazariego frames these experiences as assets that have enriched his perspective as an immigrant and resonate with challenges faced by many in the district. However, this narrative has met with skepticism. Candidate Ugarte contends that multiple convictions are problematic and asserts that voters are unlikely to support a candidate perceived as disregarding the law.

District Nine is the poorest among the fifteen districts in Los Angeles, with 40% of its 260,000 residents living in poverty. Approximately 80% of the population is Latino, the highest proportion of any district in the city, while 13% of residents are African American. Historically, this district nine encompasses a significant portion of South Central Los Angeles, including the Central Avenue Corridor, which became a center of Black Los Angeles in the 1940s.

This distric is also home to the University of Southern California (USC), the neon-soaked L.A. Live, the Convention Center, and many other venues for the 2028 Olympic Games.

The $2.6 billion L.A. Convention Center expansion—a city gamble for Olympic glory and Vegas-style tourism—will bleed $100 million a year from taxpayers starting in 2030. Only two candidates, Jorge Nunez and Jorge Hernandez Rosas, dared to oppose this high-stakes bet.

A Latino candidate is guaranteed to win this seat in this election. Traditionally, this district has been represented by African Americans.  Many African Americans see this election in this district as signifying a further decline in Black political influence.  Although with only 9% of the population, the city of Los Angeles has an African American mayor, and the president of the city council is also African American. The largest labor organization in LA, the County Federation of Labor, is being led by another African American woman.

African Americans, like other groups, must endeavor to recruit better candidates.  The loss of political power by any ethnic group is often accelerated when its candidates are perceived as corrupt or unethical and prioritize narrow group interests over broader community needs.

Tensions between the African American and Latino communities in the district are still there. These tensions were evident at this candidates’ forum, where candidates initially introduced themselves in Spanish, prompting visible dissatisfaction and complaints from some African American attendees. The candidates subsequently switched to English.

The ethnicity of candidates should not be the primary consideration, as the district faces significant challenges in poverty, housing, homelessness, crime, and education, among others. Residents would benefit from prioritizing candidates with effective solutions over considerations of racial identity. District Nine, more than any other in Los Angeles, requires leaders committed to pursuing transformative policies rather than incremental changes.

In the primary on June 2nd, any candidate who gets more than 50% plus one will win the election. There is a history in this district indicating that primary turnouts are usually low. Therefore, a candidate who can form a coalition that includes African American voters might win this thing outright in June.

If you want the devil you know, pick Jorge Nuno or Jose Ugarte—The other candidates lack a macro understanding of the challenges facing this district, all they know is the non-profit world.

Thank you for reading.